Role of Indonesia in Shaping Indo-Pacific

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Indonesia has played a significant role in shaping the Indo-Pacific since its idea was first introduced in 2007 by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Indonesia has taken a position of leadership on geopolitical issues and has seen itself as a regional leader. Since 2013, Indonesia has responded to the Indo-Pacific idea by drafting and approving the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) at the 2019 ASEAN Summit.
Indonesia’s Indo-Pacific approach emphasizes ASEAN’s unity and centrality in the region. The country’s views on the Indo-Pacific are connected to its broader international economic views of political neutrality and a market mechanism-based approach. Indonesia has positioned itself as a middle power in the region and has managed to live up to expectations by emphasizing principles of inclusiveness, transparency, and dialogue in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept.
Indonesia’s former foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, envisioned an Indo-Pacific region with ASEAN playing a central role, rather than elevating Indonesia or any other country. The country’s role in shaping the Indo-Pacific region is crucial to ensuring that the region remains stable and prosperous. The US has recognized Indonesia’s role as a regional leader and partner, which is reflected in the recent Quad summit, which included leaders from the US, India, Japan, and Australia, and has been seen as a counterweight to China’s growing influence in the region.

To sum up, Indonesia’s role in shaping the Indo-Pacific has been significant, as the country has emphasized ASEAN’s centrality in the region, principles of inclusiveness and transparency, and political neutrality. The country’s leadership in the region is critical to maintaining stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific, and its ideas have been widely accepted by the region’s dominant actors.

In Seeking Global Supremacy in Technology: A Case of Rivalry The US-China

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Asep Setiawan

The rivalry between the United States and China for technological preeminence has been going on for several years. It encompasses a wide range of technologies, including artificial intelligence (AI), semiconducting, and 5G technology. Both nations have made substantial investments in research and development in these fields, and the competition has significant implications for both the economy and the national security of both countries. This short article discusses some of the primary forces driving the competition for technological preeminence between the United States and China.

Concerns regarding the country’s safety have been a major factor in fueling the conflict throughout this dispute. Both the United States and China are concerned about the ability of the other nation to employ technology for the purposes of the military. Both nations have implemented safeguards to prevent the disclosure of sensitive technological information, with the United States capitalizing on its asymmetric advantage, which consists of its ability to restrict the export of specific technologies. Some policymakers in the United States are concerned that China could unseat the United States as the leading technological force in the world as a result of China’s development of artificial intelligence and other cutting-edge technologies. This is something that many people view as an existential threat.

Another area of intense competition between the United States and China is the semiconductor manufacturing industry. Under the Made in China 2025 policy, China plans to increase homegrown production of semiconductors to the extent that it can satisfy 70 percent of the country’s domestic demand. Concerns have been raised about the potential for the United States to lose its technological leadership position in this field as a result of this policy and the willingness of Chinese companies to acquire or invest in semiconductor companies based in the United States.

Artificial intelligence (AI) is another significant area of competition between the United States and China. By 2018, China had filed for patents on artificial intelligence technologies at a rate that was 2.5 times higher than that of the United States. China is currently graduating three times as many computer scientists as the United States. Some AI experts believe that China could overtake the United States to become the global leader in AI, which could have significant repercussions for various areas, including economic competitiveness and national security.

Another area of technological competition between the United States and China is the fifth-generation mobile network (5G). Both countries are making significant financial investments in the research and development of 5G technology, with China taking the lead in specific areas such as the number of 5G patents filed. Concerned about the possibility of espionage and sabotage on the part of the Chinese government, the United States government is taking steps to stop the spread of Chinese 5G equipment within the country.

To sum up, the struggle between the United States and China for technological preeminence encompasses diverse technologies. It has significant repercussions for each country’s economic competitiveness and national security. Both nations are devoting substantial resources to research and development in these spheres, and it is anticipated that the level of competition will remain high in the years to come. The outcome of this competition could have significant repercussions for the distribution of power on a global scale as well as the path that technological advancement will take in the years to come.

Dr. Asep Setiawan, Lecturer at Master in Political Science Department of Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta

Ninik Rahayu dan Asep Setiawan Lengkapi Kepengurusan Dewan Pers 2022-2025

REPUBLIKA.CO.ID, Jakarta — Dr Ninik Rahayu, SH, MS, terpilih menjadi Ketua Dewan Pers sisa masa periode keanggotaan 2022 – 2025, melalui keputusan rapat pleno Anggota Dewan Pers, di Jakarta, Jumat (13/1/2022). Penetapan ini bertujuan untuk mengisi posisi Ketua Dewan Pers yang kosong sejak Prof Azyumardi Azra meninggal dunia pada 18 September 2022 lalu.

“Kemerdekaan pers harus terus menerus kita perkuat, demikian pula dengan kualitas jurnalisme dan profesionalisme perusahaan pers. Oleh kerena itu dibutuhkan dukungan kerja multistakeholders,” ujar Ninik sesaat setelah ditetapkan menjadi Ketua Dewan Pers sisa masa periode keanggotaan 2022-2025.

Sebelumnya, Ninik dilantik sebagai anggota Dewan Pers periode 2022-2025 dari unsur masyarakat pada 18 Mei 2022. Di Dewan Pers, Ninik bertugas sebagai Ketua Komisi Penelitian, Pendataan dan Ratifikasi Pers. Sehari-hari, ia aktif sebagai pengajar fakultas hukum di perguruan tinggi dan diklat pendidikan hukum kantor dan lembaga sejak 1987 hingga saat ini.

Selain itu, kiprahnya di dunia organisasi dan kelembagaan juga mentereng. Ninik pernah menjabat sebagai Komisioner Komnas Perempuan pada Periode 2006-2009 dan 2010-2014, Anggota Ombudsman RI pada Periode 2016-2021, dan tenaga Profesional Lemhannas RI sejak 2020. Ninik juga aktif menjadi Direktur JalaStoria, sebuah perkumpulan yang memiliki visi mewujudkan masyarakat Indonesia yang inklusif dan aktif dalam upaya penghapusan diskriminasi. Selain aktif di dunia akademis dan organisasi,

https://www.republika.co.id/berita/rogbej451/ninik-rahayu-dan-asep-setiawan-lengkapi-kepengurusan-dewan-pers-20222025